The music of central and southern Brazil is as diverse as the one hundred million people that populate the area. Gross topological contrasts occur throughout the rural areas of central and southern Brazil, which cover about 2,224,000 square kilometers, and an equally wide range of musical activities occur in such urban centers as Rio de Janeiro and Sa~o Paulo. These and other cities provide opportunities for hearing many kinds of Brazilian musics, including Brazilian popular music genres that have become known all over the world; traditional southeastern rural genres of medieval origin and their later developments; a wide variety of Afro-Brazilian traditions; northeastern traditional genres, brought by migrants searching for a better life in the south; and the musical traditions of the immigrant groups (Chinese, Germans, Italians, Japanese, Middle Easterners, Poles, Spaniards, and so on) that came to Brazil from the early 1800s on and particularly after 1888, when slavery was abolished in the country [see MUSIC OF IMMIGRANT GROUPS]. Concerts of Western art music are given regularly, and outlets of mass communication bombard the Brazilian public with the latest popular hits from abroad.

There are further distinctions between the musical preferences of different Brazilian social classes, ages, religious communities, professional categories, and even political parties. In effect, musical activities and preferences have become markers of identity for the social groups that make up Brazilian society.

Little is known of the music of central and southern Brazil before the area's first encounter with Portuguese explorers on 22 April 1500. Information is also scant regarding the first three hundred years after that. During the colonial period, documents detail the musical activities of the major Roman Catholic cathedrals and the parlors of the upper classes, but data about musical life outside these domains are sparse. Some information is available in writings left by such travelers as Jean de LeŽry, who lived in Brazil from 1557 to 1558 and produced the first known transcriptions of native American music: two chants of the TupinambaŽ, near Rio de Janeiro (LeŽry 1980:150, 162). From his description of a "savage ritual," it is clear that, like other

The European settlement of Brazil was undertaken as a joint venture between Portugal and the Roman Catholic Church; with the sword came the cross. The Portuguese were allotted the landmass east of the demarcation set in the Treaty of Tordesillas in 1494, which included a large section of present-day Brazil. The colonization of the area combined economic, political, and religious objectives. Despite the Christianizing model of colonization, the Roman Catholic Church in Brazil was weak, and its weakness had important implications for colonial musical life: without ecclesiastical subsidies, musical performance—even for religious rituals—became almost exclusively the prerogative of lay people.

Since 1179, when the Portuguese crusade against the Moors began, the Portuguese crown had been on good terms with Rome, and a series of papal bulls had granted the king concessions over Portuguese religious institutions, rendering the church in Brazil subservient to the state. Though in the first years of colonization the goals of Portugal were seemingly congruent with those of the church, the crown's greater interest in gold than in souls had important consequences. About 250 years after the first encounter, Portugal had scarcely fulfilled its part of the bargain; there were but eight dioceses in the colony, and only a few thousand priests to serve a population of 1.4 million freemen and others. Most of the priests were employed on northeastern plantations to administer the sacraments to owners and their families.

Central and southern Brazil were especially affected by the crown's neglect. Unlike the northeast, where sugarcane had started generating profits almost immediately after the arrival of the Portuguese, the southern areas had little economic importance to the metropolis. The land was settled by Portuguese subsistence farmers, who moved farther and farther into the hinterland, displacing the indigenous population. They formed small, scattered communities (bairros) of around ten to fifteen households, which helped one another with tasks that a single family could not complete. These circumstances led to the emergence of a peasant ethos, marked by nomadism, community solidarity, and an emphasis on personalized social interaction.

In these communities, Christian festivities were the primary sociable contexts. In the absence of priests, colonists developed devotional forms based on rituals brought from Portugal, many rooted in late medieval musical traditions. Households alternated in promoting popular religious festivities. It was up to the host of the festival (festeiro) to invite musicians to lead the ritual proceedings at his house. The only leadership roles in these communities were those of popular Christian traditions. In rural areas, in such traditions as the baptism of Saint John the Baptist, the Saint Goncžalo dance, and the folia de reis (see below), the legacy of the household forms of popular Christianity can still be observed.

The communal work party (mutira~o) was another important venue for making music and socializing in rural communities. At the end of the day, the host offered the workers a meal, followed by the caterete^ (also catira), a widely practiced double line dance. In some areas, musical traditions developed to amuse the workers while they worked. In the ParaiŽba Valley, which lies between the cities of Rio de Janeiro and Sa~o Paulo, the mutira~o is still accompanied by sung riddles (bra~o) sustained throughout the day (figure 1).

In southern Brazil, the church was far more active with the indigenous population than with the Portuguese. Jesuit missionaries, who arrived around 1550, were particularly fervent in their desire to convert the native Americans. By the late 1500s, more than five hundred Jesuits were in Brazil, baptizing and domesticating the

Music was often included in morality plays (autos) that priests enacted for the natives, and it is thought that even before the foundation of the Indian Theater of Sa~o Lourencžo in Rio de Janeiro, there had been a native American theater in Sa~o Vicente. The first morality play believed to have been written in Brazil was the Auto da Pregacža~o Universal, attributed to the missionaries JoseŽ de Anchieta and Manoel da NoŽbrega. It was first performed in Piratininga (now Sa~o Paulo) in 1567 before being taken to other coastal settlements.

The Jesuits were successful in acculturating native Americans through music and musical instruction, particularly within the missions (called reductions) they organized in the extreme southern parts of the country. By the mid-1600s, the GuaraniŽ were not only playing European organs, harpsichords, woodwinds, and stringed instruments, but masterfully manufacturing instruments (Preiss 1988). Native orchestras accompanied religious songs sung in Latin, Portuguese, and native languages. Their ability to perform European music became a major argument in a scholastic debate as to whether or not native Americans had souls.

Although cultural interchange within the missions was essentially unilateral, some musicologists have claimed that the caterete^ had a native origin (Andrade 1933:173). Anchieta (and later, other Jesuits) supposedly used it during religious festivals held among the TupinambaŽ, though evidence of this is weak. The acculturation of the native Brazilian population seems to have been so effective that at the level of the greater society, native American influence in almost all areas of life in Brazil is small. In the domain of musical expression, it may be limited to the preservation of a few indigenous terms, certain choreographic practices, and the occasional use of maraca-type rattles. In 1759, the Jesuits were expelled from Brazil, and the native Americans they had domesticated were enslaved. An important era of musical life in Brazil came to an end, and Rome lost its only strong ally in the colony.

Near the end of the 1600s, lay brotherhoods (irmandades) began to appear in urban centers throughout the colony. These voluntary associations became the main colonial institutions linking church and society. They built churches and maintained charitable institutions. Their main public activities involved the celebration of patronal festivals. Thus, they became particularly important in promoting the musical life of the colony.

The gold era

The significance of the lay brotherhoods becomes particularly evident with the rise of what has been called the barroco mineiro 'baroque of Minas Gerais'. This phase of artistic development occurred as a consequence of bandeiras, expeditions led by Portuguese colonizers from the Sa~o Vicente Captaincy into the interior of the country searching for gold. The rugged frontiersmen who left Sa~o Vicente and Sa~o Paulo on expeditions usually returned only with natives, whom they kept for themselves or sold as slaves to prosperous local aristocrats. Though these expeditions did not bring immediate prosperity to the colonizers of the Sa~o Vicente Captaincy, they paid off in the long term.

In 1698, prospectors found gold in the Serra do Espinhacžo, and during the 1700s, the mines of Minas Gerais, GoiaŽs, and Mato Grosso were producing 44 percent of the world's supply of gold. Gold attracted prospectors from all over the country, even from Europe. New communities grew up overnight, particularly around the major mining sites of Minas Gerais but also along the routes used for transporting the gold to the ports.

From about 1750 to about 1800, the concentration of wealth in gold-rush areas

Between 1760 and 1800, nearly a thousand active musicians were associated with lay brotherhoods in Minas Gerais, primarily concentrated in Vila Rica (now Ouro Preto), SabaraŽ, Mariana, Arraial de Tejuco (now Diamantina), Sa~o Joa~o del Rei, and Sa~o JoseŽ del Rei (now Tiradentes). Many were free mulattoes, trained in family-based musical establishments, who studied Latin, voice, and instruments, and learned to read and copy music and to set liturgical texts to melodic lines.

The most outstanding local composer of the period was JoseŽ Joaquim EmeŽrico Lobo de Mesquita (ca. 1740-1805), who composed more than three hundred pieces, of which about forty have survived. Other important composers were Marcos Coelho Netto (d. 1823), Francisco Gomes da Rocha (d. 1808), and Ignacio Parreiras Neves (ca. 1730-1793). By 1820, the gold in the mines was becoming exhausted, and the golden era of Brazilian music was declining.

The coffee era

The gold-rush developments were followed by a boom in coffee, and the establishment of coffee plantations (fazendas) affected musical practices. In the early 1800s, coffee had become popular in Europe and the Americas. Coffee plants could be cultivated profitably in the soil of the ParaiŽba Valley, an area soon taken over by large landholdings, modeled on the northeastern plantation system. Around 1860, coffee moved westward to the areas around Campinas, and into Ribeira~o Preto. By 1900, the state of Sa~o Paulo was producing nearly 75 percent of the world's supply. In the mid-1940s, northern ParanaŽ became the locus of the new boom. Today, as coffee takes over the scrub lands of central Minas Gerais, fortunes are still being made.

As coffee made its westward march, rural communities were absorbed as sharecroppers into the plantation life-style. The coffee economy brought vast numbers of African slaves and their descendants, mostly of Bantu origin, plus European and other immigrant groups. The musical traditions of these social groups existed side by side, but in time they began to borrow from one another.

As in rural communities, sociability on plantations centered on Christian festivities. On special saints' days, landowners provided a hefty meal and entertainment for their workers. At these festivals, the landholding elites congregated in the parlor of the plantation house for European-style dancing in couples; sharecroppers participated in the caterete^ in the front patio of the house; and slaves amused themselves in batuques near the slave quarters (senzalas). In the batuque, individual dancers entered a circle to perform acrobatic steps to other participants' singing, clapping, and percussive accompaniment. The soloist ended his or her performance with a belly bump (umbigada) against someone in the circle, transferring the role of soloist to that person.

As the population increased, patronal festivals became common in towns throughout the coffee-producing areas. The hosts (festeiros) of these festivals were mostly large landholders. To confront labor shortages, they competed with one another to produce ever grander festivals, demonstrating their benevolence toward

These ensembles still perform for patronal festivals throughout central and southern Brazil. In many rural communities, the patronal festival is the most important event of the calendar, bringing crowds of people to the streets, where they are bombarded with sounds, music, dancing, smells, and visual stimuli.

Musical life in Rio

Outside the mining areas, the only other colonial town of significant size in southern Brazil was Rio de Janeiro, where musical life centered on the monastery of Sa~o Bento and the cathedral of Saint Sebastian. In 1763, Rio became the capital of the colony, and throughout the 1800s it was Brazil's cultural center. The new musical trends and fashions that emerged in Rio radiated to other parts of the country. Thus, Rio set the tone for the country's art music and urban popular music.

Rio was the birthplace of Domingos Caldas Barbosa (1739-1800), the first known composer of modinhas and lundus whose texts are extant. His songs scandalized the Portuguese court because their manner of addressing women in the audience struck the court as being indecently direct (Tinhora~o 1990:92-93). GregoŽrio de Matos Guerra of Bahia (1623-1695) may already have written and sung lundus and modinhas, but none of his works has survived.

The modinha and the lundu developed in the early 1700s, competing for the distinction of being the first "truly Brazilian" musical form. The lundu made its way into upper-class parlors from the batuque circles, but the modinha evinces influences from Italian opera. The lundu is faster, and deals with comical and satirical themes. The modinha is more melodic, and incarnates the Brazilian romantic spirit, appropriate for serenades.

Even essentially art music composers such as JoseŽ MauriŽcio Nunes Garcia (1767-1830), Francisco Manuel da Silva (b. 1812), and Carlos Gomes made their contributions to the repertoire, exemplifying how fluid the dividing line between Brazilian popular music and art music has been.

In 1808, to escape the Napoleonic threat, the Portuguese court moved to Rio. Though the king, Dom Joa~o VI, remained in the colony only thirteen years, his presence gave new vitality to musical life in the capital. A patron of the arts, he stimulated musical activity, and Garcia, one of Brazil's most renowned priest-composers, soon found himself in the monarch's favor, much to the annoyance of the former court-based composer Marcos Portugal (1762-1830), who had also followed the king to the colony.

When Dom Joa~o returned to Portugal, he left the kingdom in the hands of his

In 1840, his successor, Dom Pedro II, assumed the throne, and musical life in Rio was revitalized. This was due to the efforts of Francisco Manuel da Silva (1795-1865), the master composer of the imperial chapel, whose most famous work is the Brazilian national anthem. In Rio in 1847, Da Silva founded the Music Conservatory, which he directed until his death. In 1860, the National Lyric Opera was founded; its first production was A Noite de Sa~o Joa~o by Elias Alvares Lo^bo (1834-1901), who based his libretto on poems by the Indianist writer JoseŽ de Alencar. It was also through the National Lyric Opera that Brazilian audiences were introduced to Carlos Gomes (1836-1896), Brazil's most successful composer of operas. In his most celebrated pieces, Il Guarany and Lo Schiavo, he drew on the romantic image of the native Brazilian—which made him especially popular in Europe. Reminiscences of native Brazilian motifs and popular Brazilian urban genres were present in his music.

The arrival of the Portuguese court had other important implications for colonial musical activities. With the entourage came the first pianos, which families with sufficient means soon acquired. By 1834, pianos were being constructed in Brazil, and the piano remains an important status symbol for the upper classes. By 1834, Brazilian publishers were editing the music of the latest European dances (country dances, polkas, quadrilles, schottisches, waltzes, and others), which amateurs throughout the country played with enthusiasm. Popular composers, such as Chiquinha Gonzaga (1847-1935) and Ernesto NazareŽ (1863-1933) Brazilianized these dances, providing the country's amateur pianists with a locally flavored repertoire. The influence of the modinha could be observed in the waltz, while the fusion of the polka with the lundu provided the matrix for the Brazilian tango and the maxixe, an early form of the samba.

While the upper classes gathered around their parlor pianos, Rio's bohemians were playing the same repertoire in the streets on violo~es (guitars) and cavaquinhos (small, four-stringed, guitarlike instruments similar to ukuleles, with metal strings). During the 1870s, a standardized ensemble evolved, consisting of an ebony flute (which played the melody), a cavaquinho (for the harmony), and a viola~o (guitar, which provided a bass). The musicians that played in this manner became known as choro~es. Many early choro~es were employed in military bands, which became important venues of musical instruction for those who could not afford private piano tuition. Near the end of the century, other band-derived wind instruments (such as the flute, the ophicleide, the clarinet, and the saxophone) would often play the melody. The repertoire became progressively faster and required greater virtuosity. It eventually evolved into a distinct musical genre, the choro (also chorinho).

Even in the late 1990s, the masterpieces of such popular composers as Pixinguinha, Zequinha de Abreu, Anacleto de Medeiros, and others were still being played and recorded, though choros were performed by larger ensembles, including tambourines and other percussion instruments. Small stringed instruments came to be used as melodic instruments.

Musical nationalism

By the late 1800s, musical nationalism had become a feature of Brazilian art music, particularly in the work of Joaquim Anto^nio da Silva Callado (1848-1880),

Without doubt, Heitor Villa-Lobos (1887-1959), a native of Rio, was Brazil's most talented and prolific nationalist composer. He composed numerous orchestral pieces including twelve symphonies, thirteen tone poems, twelve suites, and more than twenty concertos. He also composed seven operas, numerous chamber and choral pieces, and a vast repertoire for solo instruments, especially piano and guitar. As a youth, he played with choro~es, and later he traveled around the country, acquainting himself with the national soundscape, drawing on this material in his compositions. Among his most celebrated works are a series of Choros, composed between 1920 and 1929; the Bachianas Brasileiras, composed between 1930 and 1945; and his piano music, particularly the Lenda do Caboclo, composed in 1920; and suites based on children's songs, A Prole do Bebe^, No. 1 and No. 2, composed between 1918 and 1921.

Born in Sa~o Paulo, MaŽrio de Andrade (1893-1945) was the intellectual leader of the nationalist movement. In a book about Brazilian music (1964 [1928]), he called on Brazilian composers to participate in the construction of a national serious music tradition through the use of Brazilian expressive elements. Though he was himself not a composer, he used his literary work to introduce his project to Brazilian music circles. Much of his work (especially 1975, 1982, 1983) was dedicated to the collection and analysis of the national repertoire, which provided composers with raw material for their compositions. His research inspired other artists and intellectuals to collect the musical folklore of the country. Among these are Oneyda Alvarenga (1946, 1982), Alceu Maynard de ArauŽjo (1964), Augusto Meyer (1958), Baptista Siqueira (1979), and others.

Musical nationalism remained a hallmark of Brazilian art music well into the twentieth century, spearheaded by Camargo Guarnieri (1907-1993). The only composers who openly rejected it were those associated with MuŽsica Viva, a movement that congregated around Hans-Joachim Koellreutter (b. 1915), a German Jew who fled to Brazil to escape Nazi persecution, bringing with him the techniques of dodecaphonic composition. Some exponents of MuŽsica Viva did try to produce nationalist twelve-tone music, most notably ClaŽudio Santoro (1919-1989) and CeŽsar Guerra-Peixe (1914-1993).

It was not until the 1960s that Brazilian composers began to break away from the nationalist mold. Through organizations such as the New Music Group in Santos and Sa~o Paulo, the Brazilian Society of Contemporary Music in Rio de Janeiro, and festivals of avant-garde music, Brazilian composers began to experiment with new compositional techniques—serialism, electronic music, aleatory procedures, atonality, and composition in mixed media. Major contemporary Brazilian composers active in central and southern Brazil include Gilberto Mendes (b. 1922), Willy Corre^a de Oliveira (b. 1938), Marios Nobre (b. 1939), and Jorge Antunes (b. 1942).

Contemporary musical traditions in central and southern Brazil resonate with the processes of interaction of the social groups in the area. Although Portuguese material has been substantially reinvented over the centuries, the strong sense of solidarity that had united peasant communities prior to the invasion of coffee culture has guaranteed the persistence of a marked Lusitanian-Hispanic legacy in the area. Iberian stylistic traits include arched melodies, conjunct melodic movement, parallel thirds and sixths, tonality, stanza-refrain alternation or strophic form, and the extensive use of stringed instruments.

Numerous musical instruments are used during central and southern Brazilian social events; the rhythmic percussion instruments are used in ensembles, while the melodic instruments are played solo or in ensembles. The former include a great variety of idiophones and membranophones; the latter include aerophones, many influenced by use in military bands, and chordophones derived from colonial times. Only the most common musical instruments are included here.

Idiophones

The idiophones of central and southern Brazil are mostly small percussion instruments used to give timbral diversity to various ensembles. The ganzaŽ (also guaiaŽ, cylindrical shaker), mele^ (also afoxeŽ, friction rattle), re^co-re^co (spring or bamboo scraper), and triangle are used in many different settings in urban and rural contexts. The double bell (agogo^) is used exclusively in Afro-Brazilian urban traditions such as

Membranophones

Membranophones of various shapes and sizes are common throughout central and southern Brazil. Like idiophones, some are used in numerous traditions; others are only found in specific contexts. The tambourine (pandeiro, often known as adufo in some rural areas), and the caixa (a medium-sized double-headed drum, with or without snare) (figure 4) are the most versatile membranophones in the area, found in such diverse traditions as samba ensembles, choros, and popular Roman Catholic rural traditions of Portuguese or African influence.

Afro-Brazilian traditions, which use several drums of different sizes, often have distinct names for the different membranophones. In the popular traditions of Roman Catholic dramatic music and dance, the three most commonly found are a small drum (repico), a medium-size drum (caixa), and a large drum (bumbo). Two drums are used in the jongo: the tambu, the larger, and the condonqueiro, the smaller. A friction drum (puiŽta) is also used. Baterias, the percussion ensembles of samba schools, may have any number of small, single-headed frame drum (tamborim) (figure 5), caixa, repique (also repinique) (medium-size single-headed drum), atabaque (large narrow single-headed conical drum), cuiŽca (single-headed friction drum), and surdo (large double-headed bass drum). In these traditions, each drum type has its own basic rhythmic pattern, often in a polymetric relation to the other parts.

Aerophones

One of the most popular aerophones in Brazil is the accordion. Throughout the country, it is known as sanfona, but in the extreme south, it is called gaita. It was introduced into the country by German immigrants in the early 1800s but became popular with the population at large only after 1870. In southern Brazil, it is commonly associated with the fandango, a social dance; in southeastern and central Brazil, it often accompanies the quadrilha, danced during festivities in honor of Saint John the Baptist.

Military bands have left their legacy throughout central and southern Brazil, and many small towns maintain bands that perform for patronal and civic festivities. The wind instruments used in these ensembles often include flutes, clarinets, alto and tenor saxophones, cornets, trombones, saxhorns, tubas (bombardinos), and sousaphones (baixos). Their repertoire consists primarily of dobrados (marches in 2/4 time), appropriate for processions. Flutes, clarinets, and saxophones also serve as melodic instruments in chorinhos. In many percussive ensembles of African influence, the leader uses a whistle to cue stops and transitions.

Chordophones

The most common stringed instruments in the area include the viola (a guitar with five single or double courses of strings), the viola~o (the ordinary Portuguese term for guitar), the cavaquinho (a small, four-stringed guitarlike instrument similar to the ukulele, with metal or nylon strings), the bandolim (a small mandolinlike instrument with four double courses of strings), and the rabeca (folk-derived violin, the term reflecting the European word rebec).

The viola, the Brazilian descendant of the Spanish vihuela, is the most important instrument of central and southern Brazil, and it exists in a variety of types. A form of the instrument found in Mato Grosso do Sul is known as a viola de cocho 'trough

In southeastern Brazil, the most common viola is the viola caipira 'country guitar'. It is smaller than a guitar, and has five double courses of metal strings. In contrast with the viola de cocho, it has a full, metallic timbre. It can be tuned in many ways, the most common being the cebola~o 'big onion' and the rio abaixo 'downriver' (figure 6). These tunings make the viola especially adequate for doubling the singers' parallel thirds. Quite often, other four-stringed instruments are tuned like the viola by eliminating the lowest string. Currently, the viola dina^mica (figure 7) is gaining popularity. Though larger than a viola caipira, it can be tuned in the same way, and it produces a louder sound.

A violeiro (viola player) must be competent to play in a tonality other than the one in which the instrument has been tuned. MuŽsica sertaneja (the Brazilian equivalent of North American country music) is accompanied by a viola and a viola~o, an instrumental configuration that has come to be known as o casal 'the couple'. Since the 1960s, however, the viola~o has been taking the place of the viola, since it is considered more modern and versatile.

Though the viola is the quintessential instrument of the Brazilian lower classes, the viola~o epitomizes the popular musical traditions of the upper and middle classes. It was celebrated in many pieces by Heitor Villa-Lobos, and it was the primary instrument of the bossa nova movement. Nonetheless, it is used in popular Roman Catholic traditions in rural areas, just as it is included in samba styles of the urban underprivileged. The choro musician (chora~o) Horondino Silva created a seven-stringed guitar (viola~o-sete-cordas) to give him a wider range for his bass notes. The instrument continues to be used for choros.

Musical activities in rural areas are associated with religious events, and many popular rituals still take place with little or no ecclesiastical intervention. Many saints who have become the objects of popular devotion in Brazil—the Virgin Mary, Saint John the Baptist, Saint Sebastian, and many others—are depicted with all-too-human traits, and quite frequently they are fun-loving musicians and dancers. Devotion to these saints typically involves making merry, eating heavily, performing music, and dancing.

The Saint Goncžalo dance

Saint Goncžalo of Amarante (flourished about 1250), patron of violeiros, is invariably depicted with a viola. It is said that every Saturday night he would take his instrument to the brothels of Amarante, Portugal, rounding up prostitutes, with whom he played and danced, tiring them so much that on Sunday they would not sin.

For this reason, the saint is honored through the Saint Goncžalo dance, a double line dance similar to the caterete^, involving rhythmic clapping and stamping. It is usually performed on a Saturday night in someone's yard to fulfill a promise made to the saint in return for a miracle, often a miraculous cure involving a person's legs. People with promises often dance holding the saint's image (figure 8). An entire social network assumes the responsibility of an individual's obligations toward the saint by attending the dance and participating in the activity. In this way, the institution of the promise and the actual event are as means of promoting social solidarity (Branda~o 1981).

Folias de reis

The biblical Magi became musicians, according to stories told by people who participate in mummerlike ensembles known as folias de reis 'the kings' folias'. In Brazilian

At the turn of the twentieth century, musical activities in the urban centers of central and southern Brazil were clearly defined along class lines: the elites congregated in enclosed spaces (parlors, concert halls, ballrooms) to participate in events involving European and national art music and dancing in couples; the middle classes were associated with choro~es, which performed in the street, though in respectable places; and the lower classes, who were restricted to the hills overlooking Rio and poor peripheral neighborhoods, were recreating musical forms that had developed in batuque circles during the slave era. By the 1930s, however, samba had become a national phenomenon, cutting across these class-drawn barriers.

Samba

Samba is the best known of Brazil's musical expressive forms. Almost an international synonym for Brazilian music, it has become something of an umbrella term to designate a range of popular styles, including samba carnavalesca (carnival samba), sambaenredo (theme samba), samba baiana (Bahian samba), samba-lencžo (handkerchief samba), samba rural (rural samba), samba de morro (hill samba), samba da cidade (city samba), samba de terreiro (yard samba), samba de breque (break samba), samba departido-alto (specialist samba), samba corrido (verse samba), samba-cancža~o (song samba), samba-choro (choro samba), and many others. All these genres have elements that at some level can be traced to African origins, particularly to Bantu traditions organized in eight- and sixteen-pulse timelines.

These timelines generate some rhythmic patterns (batucadas) played by several instruments in the percussion ensembles (baterias) of the urban carnival associations known as samba schools (escolas de samba) (figure 12). Note the eight-pulse cycle in the accents of the caixa and the re^co-re^co, and how the rhythmic patterns of the agogo^ and the tamborim are structured around a sixteen-pulse timeline. Other instruments such as the surdo, the ganzaŽ, and the cuiŽca, are accented on offbeats creating a rich, polyrhythmic texture.

Brazilian musicologists argue about how and where the samba originated. Most concur that the word developed out of the Quimbundo (a Bantu language) term semba, which denotes the belly bump, one of the distinctive choreographic features of the batuque. According to SiŽlvio Romero (1954), the term was associated with a specific Bahian dance in the second half of the 1800s; Bahian ex-slaves then brought it to Rio de Janeiro, where it fused with such urban styles as the polka, the habanera, the modinha, and the lundu. Kazadi wa Mukuna (1979), however, argues that it may have developed on the coffee plantations of the ParaiŽba Valley before reaching the capital. Many rural forms of the samba are still danced throughout the coffee-producing

During the 1930s, Brazil began developing its industrial focus, and with that development the country moved from an essentially rural society to an urban one. From the 1950s, more and more migrants from the rural areas flooded into the large urban complexes, particularly those of the southeast, bringing with them their rural values and musical heritages. In the late 1990s, 75 percent of Brazil's population lived in cities or towns. Greater Sa~o Paulo and greater Rio de Janeiro together are home to nearly 20 percent of all Brazilians.

Unskilled on arrival, most migrants have been forced into marginal markets. They eke out a hand-to-mouth existence in the shantytowns surrounding the major

In such contexts, participation in musical activities based on traditional rural genres has played an important role in providing the migrants with a means of processing their experience and of constructing mutual support groups in new contexts. Urban folias, ternos, and other devotional ensembles attract fellow townsmen (conterra^neos), providing the structure around which they can reconstitute their towns of origin in the big city. Northeasterners unite around their repentistas (performers of northeastern musical duels), and they congregate in establishments where they can dance the forroŽ (a northeastern dance in couples). But it is in muŽsica sertaneja that the best example of a migrant musical creation appears. It is the most popular genre among the migrant populations of greater Sa~o Paulo, and the industry catering to this audience is booming.

Country in the city

Traditional southeastern genres of dupla, particularly the moda-de-viola, became muŽsica sertaneja when they started to be recorded commercially in the late 1920s. The musicians for these recordings were recruited from itinerant professional performers active in the circuses that have roamed the countryside throughout the year since 1900. Though the performances took place under circus tents, the attractions they offered were mostly melodramatic plays and comedies. Duplas were performed before the play, between acts, and after the play. Since the 1980s, many circus owners have dispensed with the play altogether, offering only performances of dupla in their tents. The term muŽsica sertaneja became current only in the late 1950s, replacing the more pejorative term muŽsica caipira. (Caipira might best be glossed 'hillbilly', though it officially refers to the inhabitants of the interior of the state of Sa~o Paulo.) The change in nomenclature coincides with the formation of the migration chains moving from the interior of the country toward the southeastern industrial centers.

No doubt "modern" muŽsica sertaneja is far removed from its rural origins, as it has taken the direction of technological sophistication and full-scale production. MuŽsica sertaneja proper, however, is typified by duos such as Tia~o Carreiro and Pardinho, and Pena Branca and Xavantinho, who have been able to derusticize traditional genres by using "correct" Portuguese and a more sophisticated vocabulary, while their sung narrations refer to themes related to the experience of migration.

Yet they have maintained some fundamental musical elements of the caipira aesthetic, such as continuous parallel thirds and the viola and viola~o accompaniment. Their performances pay attention to tuning, instrumental technique, and vocal simultaneity. The vocal timbre has lost some of its nasality without acquiring excessive vibrato. The music sounds like that of the duplas caipiras, but it has been cleaned up, so to speak. Furthermore, these duos are the ones most likely to be found performing in the circuses of the periphery, allowing the audience more personalized contact with them.

Through these elements, urban migrants have created a means of using music as a symbolic representation of those traits they feel they have acquired through migration and access to urban life. Just as the music has become more organized and "cleaner," so have those who participate in the performances; and inasmuch as the language in the verses has become more grammatical and sophisticated, it expresses

Migrant musical creations stand as symbols of the possibility of reconciling urban economic mobility with a rural ethos of noncompetitive sociability. Through music, migrants have constructed a symbolic universe, in which they have reconciled contradictory experiences of urban and rural life, creating a positive image of themselves. In the long term, this process may give them dignity and confidence enough to confront the society that marginalizes them.

Brazilian art music has received the attention of numerous scholars. General histories of it include Renato Almeida (1942), David Appleby (1983), Gerard BeŽhague (1979), Bruno Kiefer (1976), Vasco Mariz (1983a), and others. Other historical musicologists have focused on specific periods or important figures in Brazilian art music; these include JoseŽ Maria Neves (1981), Vasco Mariz (1983b), and Bruno Kiefer (1986). Studies of the social history of Brazilian art music are contained in LeŽa Vinocur Freitag (1986), JoseŽ Miguel Wisnik (1978, 1983), Enio Squeff (1983), and others.

Documentation of the rural musical traditions of central and southeastern Brazil abounds, but much of this research is purely descriptive. Since the early 1980s, anthropologically oriented studies have emerged, though scholars have tended to emphasize Amazonian and northeastern musical traditions. Studies of interest for central and southern Brazil include Carlos Rodrigues Branda~o (1981, 1985), Suzel Ana Reily (1994a), Kilza Setti (1985) for central and southeastern Brazil, and Daniel Mendoza de Arce (1981) and Richard Pinnell (1984) for the south of the country.

Special interest has been shown toward urban popular musics. Researchers in this sphere include Edgar de Alencar (1965), Augusto de Campos (1986b), Chris McGowan and Ricardo Pessanha (1991), Charles A. Perrone (1989), Claus Schreiner (1993), JoseŽ Ramos Tinhora~o (1981, 1986), Ary Vasconcelos (1977), Hermano Vianna (1995), and many others. More recently, scholars have been turning their attention to the musical traditions of rural migrants in the urban context. Northeastern musical traditions in Sa~o Paulo have been studied by Maria Ignez Novais Ayala (1988); southeastern genres have been studied by Waldenyr Caldas (1979), JoseŽ de Souza Martins (1975), and Suzel Ana Reily (1992). Overviews of